Dec 18, 2015

Late Season Pro-White Christmas Gift-Giving Ideas

With almost 1,000 titles to choose from, giving the gift of truth has never been easier than with The Colchester Collection of Pro-White books.

If you click on any of our "Hardcopy" links you can order from Amazon.com -- they promise to deliver by Christmas on all orders placed as late as Dec. 23, plus The Colchester Collection gets a small percentage on anything ordered from Amazon through any link on our website.

That means anything. So even if you choose to buy a gift other than a book, if you click on one of our Amazon links, and then buy it, we still get a percentage -- it's an easy way to help fund our work here at The Collection.

If you're buying for someone new to the White Rights Movement I suggest the following primers:
  1. One Sheaf, One Vine: Racially Conscious White Americans Talk about Race by Robert S. Griffin
  2. Racism Schmacism: How Liberals Use the 'R' Word to Push the Obama Agenda by James Edwards
  3. My Awakening: A Path to Racial Understanding by David Duke
  4. An Empire of Their Own: How the Jews Invented Hollywood by Neal Gabler
  5. Zebra: The True Account of the 179 Days of Terror in San Francisco by Clark Howard
  6. The Hill of the Ravens by Harold Covington
  7. White Apocalypse by Kyle Bristow
  8. Final Judgment: The Missing Link in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy by Michael Collins Piper
  9. Ku Klux Klan: Its Origin, Growth, and Disbandment by Lester & Wilson
  10. Women of the Far Right: The Mothers' Movement and World War II by Glen Jeansonne
  11. Alien Nation: Common Sense About America's Immigration Disaster by Peter Brimelow
  12. Possum Living: How to Live Well without a Job and with (Almost) No Money by Dolly Freed
If you're looking for a book for someone with more experience, you might check-out our list of 101 Books Every White Man (& Woman) Should Read or choose from any one of the 879 pro-White books currently in our catalog.

Yes, Virginia, the Jews Stole Christmas

via The Occidental Observer

TOO Editor’s Note: Originally posted in 2012, this article gets at the Jewish ethnic angle behind the “War on Christmas.”

A new book, Joshua Eli Plaut’s A Kosher Christmas: ’Tis the Season to Be Jewish, documents what we have known all along: The Jews did indeed subvert Christmas.  This book deserves a full review, but Ethan Schwartz’s summary and comment (“Twas the night after Christmas“) deserve scrutiny. First the summary:
Jews have been the vanguard of an effort to “transform Christmastime into a holiday season belonging to all Americans,” without religious exclusivity.  The most important Jewish mechanisms of secularization are comedy and parody, for laughter undermines religious awe.  Take, for example, Hanukkah Harry from “Saturday Night Live”, who heroically steps in for a bedridden Santa by delivering presents from a cart pulled by donkeys named Moishe, Hershel, and Shlomo.  Remarkably, Hanukkah Harry has emerged as a real Santa-alternative for many American Jews.  Plaut sees such things not as attempts at assimilation but as an intentional subversion of Christmas traditions.  “Through these parodies,” he writes, “Jews could envision not having to be captivated by the allure of ubiquitous Christmas symbols.”  And it isn’t just Jews: for Americans in general, Jewish parody helps ensure that Christmas “not be taken too seriously” and that the celebrations of other traditions “be accorded equal respect and opportunity.”
There seem to be two messages here. One is the message of subversion utilizing ridicule among other methods. The other is that Jews are seen as high-mindedly making Christmas  “into a holiday season belonging to all Americans.” The end result is that Christmas is not “taken too seriously” and the Christian religious aspect central to the traditional holiday is de-emphasized.

People who take their religion seriously do not allow their religion to be ridiculed. One need only think of the Muslim reactions to cartoons ridiculing Mohammed. The fact that Jews have been able to ridicule Christianity without any serious negative consequences is an important marker of Jewish power and an equally strong indication of the decline of Christian religious belief. I suspect that the organized Jewish community would react in outrage if non-Jews ridiculed religious Judaism. Indeed, any criticism of Jews as Jews is off limits in the mainstream media. (A topical short list of verboten topics: the loyalties of neocon Jews and their role in promoting the war in Iraq, the Jewish aspect of the Ivy League admissions scandal, how Jewish control of Hollywood influences media content.)

Schwartz doesn’t quarrel with Plaut’s evidence, but wonders if it’s good for the Jews that such a book be written:
There is something disconcerting about this thesis, summoning up classic anti-Semitic images of conspiracy and sabotage.  Without a trace of irony, Plaut recounts incidents in which fundamentalist Christian groups complained that “certain Americans, particularly Jews, were trying to take the ‘Christ’ out of Christmas.”  He adds that “anti-Semitic comments often ensued.”  Those Christian fundamentalists might well feel vindicated by Plaut’s argument; yet Plaut is unfazed by this connection, and rightly so.  It is not inherently anti-Christian, he recognizes, to oppose Christianity’s domination of a secular democracy.  If Jews have helped to make American society more open, they should be proud of it.
So Jews subverted Christmas but their motives were pure and idealistic. But such an account ignores the Jewish role in conceptualizing America as a proposition nation—a major topic of The Culture of Critique. The Jewish stress on cultural pluralism (which has now morphed into multiculturalism) was an explicit rejection of the ethnocultural strand of American identity, an important part of which was Christianity. (Indeed, until the recent wave of immigration resulting from the 1965 law, Jews constituting 2-3 percent of the population, were the only identifiable American group that was not Christian.) Jews were central to building a wall between religion and the public square which has resulted in the “war on Christmas” that we still see raging. Jews were also central to changing U.S. immigration policy to be open to all the peoples of the world, again with an ideology that America is merely a set of abstract principles and has no ethnic or cultural core; therefore it should be open to all peoples and these peoples should be able to retain their own culture as part of the American mosaic.

I realize that many good people shy away from saying it, but the reality is that Jews have very aggressively pursued policies that benefit them and are opposed to the interests of the traditional people of America and the West. And because Jews attained status as an intellectual and media elite, they have been able to have a very large effect on public policy and even on the attitudes of non-Jews.

Plaut emphasizes the difference between the very aggressive behavior of Eastern European immigrants with their hatred of Christianity contrasted with the German Jews who arrived in the mid-19th century and “embraced the holiday.” It’s an important distinction, at least in the American context. But in any case, Plaut’s description of the motives of the Eastern European as stemming from their hatred of Christianity hardly paints them as idealistic crusaders on behalf of an open society.  It bears repeating once again that Jews react with hostility to the idea that Israel should not have a Jewish ethnocultural core while they have led the campaign against the idea that America and the West have any ethnocultural core. As with their promoting non-White, non-Christian immigration, their advocacy has nothing to do with ideals of moral universalism but everything to do with pursuing what’s good for the Jews, motivated by Jewish hatreds toward the traditional people and cultures of the West. The war on Christmas is thus a central example of the theme of Jews as a hostile elite.

A Priori and Ab Initio

via Gornahoor

Armin Mohler takes as the basis of the vision of the world the opposition existing between two general conceptions, which he calls linear and cyclic. According to the former, history is development, novelty, evolution and tends to a final end that justifies it; this is the conception characteristic of the various progressive currents, but Christianity as well insofar as it gravitates toward an “end of times”. The latter conception is based instead of the idea of the “eternal return”, of the repetition of the same forms; that would be the basal view of the “conservative revolution”. In our opinion, the contraposition in these terms is not well formulated. If anything, we should speak of historicism and antihistoricism, of “civilizations of being” and of “civilizations of becoming”. It is not a question of expecting the return of the same forms, but rather of believing that fundamental values never change, of recognizing a normative order containing a priori and ab initio all the principles, without which a civilization and a normal society are inconceivable. ~ Julius EvolaA Failed Revolution, Rassegna Italiana, June 1952
Looking back at what is now called the German “conservative revolution” several decades after, Evola calls it the “failed revolution”. He identifies the simplistic arguments—literally, “chump change” polemics—which do not “take reality into account”. Half a century later, in our time, we see the same chump change formulas, the same logical impasses, being repeated by the various incarnations of the “right”. Specifically, the debates center around specific forms rather than the principles behind those forms. When the discussions break down, then novelties are introduced: there is a “new” right, an “alternative” right, and so on; in other words, the focus remains in “becoming” rather than in “being”. A normative order is never defined; rather it is debated, perhaps with a great deal of intensity, yet without resolution. So what comes first and at the beginning?

A Priori

First of all, the world of being and the world of becoming must be distinguished. Thus, the first chapter of Revolt Against the Modern World begins with this:
In order to understand both the spirit of Tradition and its antithesis, modern civilization, it is necessary to begin with the fundamental doctrine of the two natures. According to this doctrine there is a physical order of things and a metaphysical one; there is a mortal nature and an immortal one; there is the superior realm of being and the inferior realm of becoming. Generally speaking, there is a visible and tangible dimension and, prior to and beyond it, an invisible and intangible dimension that is the support, source, and true life of the former.
Rene Guenon makes a distinction between Being and Existence; the former is the principle of the latter. The same doctrine is formulated in Buddhism as samsara and nirvana. In Taoism, as Heaven and Earth, or Yang and Yin.

Now this is not a metaphysical dualism, or as Evola put it, “There is dualism and there is dualism.” That is, there are not two independent, opposing principles, as Manichaeism and other Gnostic religions believed. Rather, the realm of Being is the “support, source, and true life” of the realm of Becoming. Hence, it is impossible to understand the realm of Becoming without first understanding the realm of Being.

For many, if not most, this comes across as “life denying”. This is more noticeable in the exoteric teaching of this doctrine, which seems to value “Heaven” more highly than life on earth. That can lead to a certain passivity. Yet, its opposite is to live a life enthralled to the glamour of the world. That life values the phantasmagoria of passing phenomena, which is itself “life denying.”

Ab Initio

To find out what there was from the beginning, we can turn to the revelation of the Gospels. Mark begins in media res. Matthew begins with Abraham and Luke with Adam. However, John begins at the beginning, with the Logos. Since John is the beloved disciple, this is the best place to start. Hence, the Hermetists adhere to the Church of John.

Now in the beginning the Logos was with God. Since God is the principle of Being, there can be no distinction between Being and the Logos, or said differently, creativity and order are at the heart of Being. To be clear, Order is not inferior to Being, nor is there an eternal conflict between Order and chaos.

Hence, Evola can affirm that there is a normative order to Being, even without fully accepting the Revelation that grounds that order. The Left is fully aware of that order, since its purpose is to overturn it at every opportunity. The various, sundry, new, alternative, and ersatz Rights, on the other hand, all too often are only dimly aware of that normative order.

There is no point in repeating the lineaments of that order, as it has been done often enough. This is just a reminder of the criteria to use when entering into a discussion or debate:
  1. Is the question related to the realm of Being or of Becoming?
  2. Is the goal to repeat past forms or to manifest eternal values?
  3. Are the values proposed eternal or situational?
  4. Is it a matter of recognizing the normative order or of undermining it?

Trump Is ahead because He Tells the Truth

via Carolyn Yeager

The secret of Donald Trump's success is pretty clear to me. He tells the truth about important events and issues in American life, and then people recognize it and say, 'Hey, he's right.' 

It brings to mind the timeless story "The Emperor's New Clothes." In a certain empire where Political Correctness ruled, when the Emperor came out amidst his people in a new set of clothes that were made to be invisible except to elites of the kingdom, the common folk were very embarrassed to see their Emperor naked. So they pretended to themselves that they could see the elegant and expensive garments they were told he was wearing. 

But one little boy just couldn't play the game, and spontaneously called out, "Hey, he ain't wearing no clothes!" Surprised, the people were first stunned and disapproving, but they soon acknowledged the truth of what the little boy said. It's the same with Donald Trump.

The Great Reserve Army of Populism

via Counter-Currents

In great battles – one thinks here of classic Napoleonic set pieces like Austerlitz, Borodino, or Waterloo – the key to victory are the reserves. You send in this division or that one, and the enemy counters. Then, when the enemy is matching you but overcommitted, you then strike decisively with your reserves and roll him up like a rug.

Most of the great captains of war have used this trick in one form or another (#ReadaBook), and the same more or less holds true for politics. The candidate who wins will be the one able to bring forces onto the field that his opponent had not been expecting.

This, perhaps more than anything, is the main strength of Donald Trump. He can match his opponents on most events and issues without stretching himself too much, but, when he needs to, he can always pull a little something extra out of the hat.
The fracas over Trump’s recent comments about the possibility of a temporary suspension of non-citizen Muslims entering the United States (a rather mild and tame idea in the circumstances) demonstrates this.

When President Carter last did something similar back in the 1970s, it wasn’t even done to protect American lives but just to punish Iran, whereas now Muslim migration, as demonstrated by numerous examples, is inextricably tied up with people dying from jihadist attacks.

After Trump made his statement, the enemy – in this case his cuckish rivals in the Republican Party, the mass media, and the Left – launched what looked like a withering blast of criticism, even rolling their biggest cannons, the ones that can shoot Hitler comparisons day and night, all the way down the hill to blast away at Trump’s frontline from a close distance.

The only problem was that they were wildly overreacting and effectively spending all their force on what was just a skirmish line by Trump. After they had used up their ammunition, winded their horses, and got their ranks in a terrible muddle, Trump’s reserve battalions rolled down on them, as one opinion poll after another revealed that most Republicans and even most Americans were in complete agreement with Trump’s implicitly Islamophobic but nonetheless mild and reasonable statement.

This was not so much a tribute to Trump’s genius as a condemnation of the stupidity of his opponents, who, like extremely bad generals, seemed to have something of a blind spot when it comes to Trump’s forces. The old adage about fighting a new war with the tactics of the last war seemed rather apt.

But why are these opponents – people like Jeb Bush, Fox News, those on the Democrat side, and the occasional exotic like that Saudi Prince – miscalculating the depths of Trump’s reserves? The reason is simple. It is because Trump is bringing onto the field forces that were supposedly killed or disbanded long ago.

In the great push for the “middle ground” and the various ethnic groups that has characterized the last three or four decades, a large portion of the electorate has been left behind. This can be referred to as the Great White majority.

Jeb Bush has rightly been called a “low energy guy” by Trump, but the reason that insult hurts and then comes back and hurts some more is because much of the electorate, especially that part of it that the Republicans should have been relying on to dominate American politics, has been de-energised by a slate of candidates that offers them nothing but growing degradation, impoverishment, and marginalization.

The White working class, remember them? The White lower middle class, remember them too? These are the two groups that have been most overlooked in recent years. Count them as one – the Great Disenfranchised. As both parties continued to take their votes for granted so they continued to lose interest in those parties, but with no other options. Trump, whatever he ultimately turns out to be, has changed all that.

A recent Wall Street Journal article revealed that “Fifty-five percent of [Trump’s] supporters are white working class, compared with 35% for the rest of the Republican field and only 32% for Mr. Carson.”

One suspects that there are also a great number of reluctant White working class Democrat voters who would also leap at the chance of voting for Trump if he becomes the Republican nominee, especially if, as expected, Hillary Clinton is selected.

But how can we really get a grip on what is going on? Marxism helps. In Marxist theory there is the concept of the “Reserve Army of Labor,” which, in essence, means that the power of the ruling class is strengthened when there is a surplus of unemployed and underemployed. In a political sense, labour is unable to organize and make demands, as it can readily be undercut by “scab” labor. This is also said to be one of the reasons capital constantly favors mass immigration.

Of course things are more complex than they were in Marx’s day. Technology is a factor, as well as the public-private economy created by Keynsianism with its need for social dysfunction and client groups, but the idea – in its essentials – still largely holds up, and is why capital still favours mass immigration.

The really interesting point, however, is that in order to create this kind of economic effect in a society that is technically democratic, you have to effectively disenfranchise a large part of the electorate in some way. Because, after all, why would an electorate actively vote for something so detrimental to their interests?

The way this is done, of course, is through employing passive power, through using a corrupt two-party system beholden to a donor and media class, who are of course intimately connected, and who routinely choose candidates that normal White American voters just find “samey” and uninspiring – Bob Dole, John McCain, Mitt Romney, Al Gore, the Bushes, the Clintons, etc. While Obama was, at least for ethnics and SWPL moral signallers, an exciting candidate, for normal Whites he offered almost nothing and has delivered even less.

The key to this unholy system is that the surplus labour power of the economic underclass (the unemployed, the illegal immigrants, those in phony affirmative action jobs, etc.) is balanced by the surplus electoral power of the disemployed political underclass, namely White majority voters turned off or confused by the system into voting for trivialities. This is the true way to interpret the switch, since the 1960s, of former Democrat-voting Whites to a Republican Party that does nothing for their basic interests.

This political underclass is supposed to lie quiescent and be forgotten as the tyranny of global America goes about its dark work. These are the political dead who are not supposed to stir.

But just as the reserve army of labour can be called into active production when necessary, as in a wartime situation or boom, so the reserve army of politics can also be mobilized – but only if the right maverick politician comes along, someone like Trump.

When dead armies rise to renew the fight, as they have been doing in every Trump stump meeting and opinion poll for months now, them the enemy may find themselves baffled by the sudden appearance of unexpected reserves on his flank. The Napoleonic wars were never quite as exciting as this.

Donald Trump and Fourth Generation War

via traditionalRIGHT

Donald Trump’s recent proposals to register Islamics living in the United States and to bar more Islamics from entering this country until we can determine how to separate the dangerous ones from those who are not dangerous show that he is the only candidate who understands what a Fourth Generation world will be like. The hysterical denunciations from all other candidates except Senator Cruz demonstrate they don’t get it. While that alone may not be enough to indicate Trump would be a good president, it strongly suggests none of his opponents are fit to hold the office. Whether they like it or not, or understand it or not, Fourth Generation war is what they and this country are facing.

In 4GW, primary loyalties shift away from the state–someone’s native state or one to whch they have immigrated–to a wide variety of other things, including religions, races and ethnic groups, and cultures. Immigrants who do not acculturate are especially likely to become Fourth Generation threats, because they probably will not give their loyalty to a state whose culture is not their own (and to which they may be hostile).

Measures such as those Trump proposed vis-a-vis Islamics will be routine in a world of Fourth Generation war. Any state that wants to survive will have to take them, and stronger actions as well. If a population becomes a base for 4GW on a state’s soil, that state may have to expel them. There may be no other way for the state to perform its primary duty, maintaining order. Any state that cannot maintain order–safety of persons and property–will disappear.

Cultural Marxism forbids us to acknowlege any of these realities, which is why culturally Marxist politicians (Democrats actually believe the stuff; Republicans are too cowardly to challenge it) and institutions such as the New York Times editorial page have frothed at the mouth over Mr. Trump’s entirely reasonable proposals. Cultural Marxism says all cultures are wonderful, peaceful, “vibrant” sources of enlightenment, except our own culture, Western culture, which is evil and oppressive. Defend ourselves against another culture? The very notion horrifies the cultural Marxists; we are instead to embrace it even as it cuts our throats. Cultural Marxism’s goal, after all, from Gramsci and Lukacs onward, has been the destruction of Western culture and the religion from which it grew, Christianity.

Mr. Trump’s proposals do not indicate he has studied 4GW. I would guess he has probably never heard the term. His reactions are instinctive. But they are sound. They reflect reality. If elected, he can leave the theory to the leaders of his Defense Department (we can hope he chooses leaders who do know the theory). He would need only to keep the same instincts under the barrage of conemnation they will bring from the establishment. So far, he seems pretty good at that.

The degree to which the establishment has abandoned all grasp of reality was shown last week in Time magazine’s choice of Angela Merkel as Person of the Year. Merkel will go down in history as Germany’s poisoner, the person who flooded what was a safe, orderly country with carriers of the 4GW bacillus. That, of course, is exactly what cultural Marxism demands, so she is a hero to Time and the rest of the establishment.

Meanwhile, the more Trump insists on confronting cultural Marxism, a.k.a. political correctness, and urges us to face reality, the more his poll numbers go up. The  public, it seems, both here and in Europe, want leaders whose feet are planted in the real world. No wonder the shrieks and cries of the cultural Marxists sound ever more shrill. Ideology has no deadlier enemy than reality.

Learning from Europe: How Our Nationalist Movement Can Enter the 21st Century

via TradYouth

I just returned home from spending two weeks in Europe with comrades from Golden Dawn in Greece and the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) in Germany. Having the opportunity to stand with comrades in Europe at local meetings, rallies, and even a national Party congress has helped me better understand the European nationalist movement and how we can improve the movement here in America.

In order to be successful, we must understand that the American nationalist movement must evolve in terms of rhetoric, style, presentation, and more. It is time to model ourselves after our European brothers and sisters, adapting their successful strategies to our American context.

I had countless conversations with Party members of both the NPD and Golden Dawn ranging from young enthusiastic comrades to those who have been in the struggle for decades. Each person was able to give me a unique perspective on ways that our movement in America can tactically and optically adapt and improve to succeed in the contemporary political reality.

I have come to some conclusions which will not be popular with the “Old School Movement” but are necessary for our movement to finally begin to move forward after decades of treading water relative to our colleagues abroad. There are differences between our struggle and theirs which must be accounted for. But for the most part, it’s a straightforward matter of learning how to do a better job from people who are doing a better job.

The infighting and failures of most American White nationalist groups makes our movement look like this
The infighting and failures of most American White nationalist groups makes our movement look like this

The comrades in the Czech Worker’s Party who I had the pleasure of marching with last year in Brno are a small Party by Czech standards and yet in a nation with a population smaller than the New York City Metropolitan Area was able to mobilize more Party members on the street than I have ever seen at a protest or rally here in America.

So the question is, “What Changes Need to Be Made?” Something people have debated for decades in our movement and now, after being able to spend two trips to Europe with comrades from multiple countries, I think I have a few ideas.

Things That Must Go

  1. Supremacism in any form
  2. Petty Factionalism
  3. Support of Capitalism
  4. Violent Rhetoric
  5. Acting fringe

Thing That Must Go #1: Supremacism in any form

The White Nationalist movement in America for decades hasn’t actually been a nationalist movement, it has been a hateful and supremacist movement. I personally disagree with this attitude and it actively alienates normal White Americans from our positions. There’s been a move to reframe the supremacism in dry academic language, and some disingenuous posturing against supremacism, but a neo-colonialist fixation on “greater” and “lesser” people remains.

A nationalist movement historically and today is based on love of ones culture, Identity, traditions, and ethnic extended family, not hatred of other groups simply because they are different. Frustration and resentment is natural, and there’s a thin line between love towards one’s own and prideful chauvinism. We must strive to avoid crossing that line.

Corneliu Codreanu, the founder of the Legion of Saint Michael the Archangel in Romania discussed how the Legion and thus all Romanian nationalism was based on a love of our ancestors, maintaining their traditions and building a moral and healthy future for our children.
“When we speak of the Romanian nation, we refer not only to the Romanians currently living on the same territory, with the same past and same future, the same habits, the same language, the same interests. When we speak of the Romanian nation we refer to all Romanians, dead or alive, who have lived on this land of ours from the beginnings of history and will live on it also in the future.”
This is the definition of a nation and thus a nationalist works to protect and fight for these noble concepts of Faith, family and folk. Never does nationalism fall into hatred. It is a worldview based exclusively on love, honor, and sacrifice.

White Supremacy is the racist grandpa of neo-colonialism, and it’s a distraction and detractor from the post-colonial yet pro-white dialectic we must arrive at. It desires for Whites to rule over and dominate other ethnic groups. This comes from many sides, but the ideological basis of using language that dehumanizes communities based on their ethnicity need to go.

Nationalists are not supremacists and in my mind, supremacists are not true nationalists. Positions found in literature like The Turner Diaries and other old movement rhetoric about dominating the world and destroying indigenous populations for the sake of White supremacy belong in the trash, not on your reading list. Fight for your people and your Patria, that is all.

Ideologies that dehumanize non-Europeans as “mud people,” “beasts of the field,” and such were wrong when they were concocted and they are wrong now. The struggle of Arabs to free themselves from Zionism or the battle of Latin American nations to battle against international finance controlling their economies are battles in the same war that Europeans are fighting. It’s difficult for many raised and steeped in the old colonial and neo-colonial mindsets to wrap their minds around, but our nationalist project is necessarily anti-colonial, against what the West has become.

An example can be found on the issue of Hispanic immigration into America. Hispanics are immigrating by the tens of millions into America primarily because of Western-backed destabilization of their nations’ economic and foreign policies during the Cold War and current Free Trade Agreements like NAFTA. They’ve destroyed the agricultural base for tens of millions of Mexicans and Latin Americans. The reason they are flooding north is because globalism and capitalism have destroyed their homelands and many of the leaders of these nations are in the pockets of international business and the banking elites, leaving many without options.

When political and economic stability return to areas, many immigrants self-deport to their nation of origin. If we fix the problem of global capitalism, the immigration crisis wouldn’t he happening. Hispanics shouldn’t hate Whites just as Whites shouldn’t hate Hispanics. It’s globalism causing the demographic and economic issues we are all facing. For too long the White Nationalist movement has been angry at the symptoms, not the root cause of our current plight.

The immigrants must go, but not because they’re somehow “bad” or “inferior.” They just don’t belong here.

All nationalists, regardless of ethnicity, should stand united against our common foes, the rootless international clique of globalists and bankers that wish to dominate all free peoples on the Earth. We man the same barricades against the same enemies, to attack other nationalists of different racial backgrounds is like shooting into the foxhole next to you instead of at the enemy who is charging your lines. It is all hands on deck for all free peoples of the world, it is time to start acting like it.

Thing That Must Go #2: Petty Factionalism

A social or political movement is like an army, you need to have commanders who direct the forces to make wise decisions on the field of battle. If every private in the trenches was able to form his own army and do whatever he wanted, a war effort would come grinding to a halt. A political movement needs to have a command structure that is formed around maintaining messaging, ideology, use of resources and organization.

For decades the White Nationalist movement has had more chiefs than we have indians in many respects. This factionalization is not new to either nationalists or the far Left. On the Left, you have Stalinists fighting with Trotskyists, who battle it out with anarchists of every different variety. Division keeps a movement weak, where unity leads to strength.

Historically every nationalist movement that has been successful has started with a diversity of movements that coalesced into a unified front. Now every year the movement spends likely hundreds of thousands of dollars and countless man hours on leafleting, propaganda videos, billboards and rallies yet this effort is diluted. There is no unified message for the public to grab onto, there is no unified messaging to build brand awareness in the mind of normal citizens.

There is no branding or content control to ensure that everything from spelling errors to cartoonish rhetoric are stopped before they see the light of day. Our efforts as a movement would be magnified under one banner, with one clear and concise message and under direction to ensure that our movements looks, acts and organizes like a real professional political movement.

There were dozens of small nationalist movements in Germany and Greece that have come together under the unified banner of the NPD and Golden Dawn while maintaining the values of the Party and that has allowed the movement to make dramatic gains for the cause of nationalism. This process can’t be forced, of course. The organization which becomes that central organization must constructively audition for the position, not destructively attack others. Coalescing takes time and work. But there should be a general effort towards unity.

We will need to of course make compromises and allow representation of a variety of groups on the Board of Directors of the umbrella Party. We must also ensure the Party is grounded on a firm ideological foundation that refuses to change based on whims of individuals. Success will be based around proper presentation, messaging, ideology, and other factors. A tent that is too wide will fall in on itself and that is why we cannot trade away our dearly held beliefs for the sake of mere numbers.

Thing That Must Go #3: Support for Capitalism

There are few things more evil in the modern age than capitalism. Working families are attacked by capitalism every single day of their lives and too many believe the phony rhetoric of the elite that we should follow and deify an ideology that puts profits ahead of people. Dr. Goebbels wrote of capitalism in 1932 that,
“The worker in a capitalist state—and that is his deepest misfortune—is no longer a living human being, a creator, a maker. He has become a machine. A number, a cog in the machine without sense or understanding. He is alienated from what he produces.”
This alienation plagues modern America and the West as a whole and it must be combated by an economic system that supports the best interests of working families and the nation as a whole.

The model that our Party needs to follow is best described by Gregor Strasser when he said, “We must take from the right nationalism without capitalism and from the left socialism without internationalism.” Capitalism and internationalism are the enemies of our movement and our people and must be dealt with accordingly.

Too many American nationalists are stuck in either being reactionary or living in the worldview of 1950s America during the Cold War in a “Capitalism vs Communism” struggle. In our modern age both capitalism and communism are servants of international finance and multinational corporations and both must die. Our movement cannot defend the ramparts of our enemy’s fortress and except to be successful. The capitalists have drafted the victims of capitalism to fight for it, and our Party must break the people from their gilded chains.

Capitalism is tied intricately with the merchant elite which works to disenfranchise and displace the European peoples. Capitalism turns human beings into commodities serving profits for corporations, instead of proud workers serving the interests of the people and of the nation. If we as nationalists are going to be able to free our people, we must also liberate our economy from the grips of the enemy.

To be true nationalists, we must have a worldview that puts the interests of the people, both physical and spiritual, ahead of any personal petty concerns. Every nationalist Party in Europe that I have met with are economic Third Positionists and this is the model that we should follow here in America.

Thing That Must Go #4: Violent Rhetoric

The rhetoric of much of the America movement is found in the failures of groups that have either disintegrated due to a lack of public support or from attacks by the State and Federal police agencies. There is a huge difference between believing in self defense and gun ownership, which I support, and working to either overthrow the United States government or attack non-Whites because of the color of their skin. Planning illegal activities is not just a good way to end up in prison or dead, it delegitimatizes the struggle for White Americans who are working legally and politically.

The principle of how unnecessary force and violent rhetoric undermining the interests and activities of the pro-White movement stretches back all the way to the Civil Rights battles of the 1960’s. This isn’t about pacifism, courage, radicalism, or passion. It’s about doing what’s best for our people and our struggle. And trust me, if carefully executed violence could achieve anything, it would have achieved something by now. There may well be a time for violence at some point in the future, but it’s definitely not now.

The battle against the forced integration of the South is said by many on both sides of the argument to have been lost with the tragic terrorist bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham Alabama. More and more White Americans on both sides of the Mason-Dixon line were beginning to see that the Federal governments push to forcibly integrate schools and communities at bayonet point was not a good thing, until of course the media was able to capitalize on the callous murder of four young Black girls and use it as a propaganda victory for the pro-integration forces.

Using force against innocent people is also the reason why Martin Luther King Jr. brought his protests to Selma Alabama in 1965. Prior to the marches in Selma, many Southern police departments would simply arrest the Black protesters and outside agitators for breaking local laws while treating them peacefully and with dignity. Martin Luther King Jr. knew he had to be able to use the media to shift public opinion in favor of his movement and peaceful police enforcing the rule of law was not going to give him that propaganda victory that he so desperately needed and craved.

In Selma, Sheriff Jim Clark was known for using police brutality against integration activists so Martin Luther King Jr. knew that he could provoke Sheriff Clark to overreact in front of the media and essentially force the public to side against the Southern people. When a peaceful march across the Edmund Pettus Bridge Sheriff Clark had his men, many of whom were not even police officers, charge into the crowd and beat men, women and children in front of the media.

At that point Alabama Governor George Wallace was gaining support across America for his stand against forced integration. But all of his political work and the work of tens of thousands of White Southerners was undone overnight by Sheriff Clark and his use of unnecessary violence because of the graphic images that were broadcast to tens of millions of Americans on the six o’clock news. If the movement against forced integration had remained peaceful and political it is likely that history might have ended up differently for not only the Southern people, but all Whites in America.

In the post-1960s White Nationalist movement, there has been a fascination with militia movements and an idea of fighting the United States government. These projects have failed one-by-one or have been destroyed as seen with the White Patriot Party that “declared war” on the US government. Historically, violence has only worked after the hearts and minds of the people had been won and only after peaceful avenues had been thoroughly discredited. That’s not our situation.

The work ahead of us will be hard and inglorious. It will involve countless hours of handing out leaflets, attending rallies, organizing soup kitchens, helping the poor, patiently networking, and mobilizing the workers. This is the work that real revolution comes from, not bombastic and short-sighted calls to violence. If violence would work in our situation, then Anders Breivik would have started a political revolution. Timothy McVeigh would have kickstarted a massive resistance against the Federal authorities.

Whether or not our problems can be solved at the ballet, we certainly can’t solve it with bullets.

The reality of many of these militia groups or organizations that talk about “Racial Holy War” are either made up of men who for whatever reason could never be real soldiers, play-actors, or government agents. Countless groups have been taken down by Federal informants due to the fact that members actively seek out to buy illegal weapons, commit terrorist acts, or have loose lips when it comes to saying things that cross the boundary from free speech to incitement for violence.

If you are organizing peacefully and politically, even if the government works to infiltrate you these informants will have nothing to report. The government will have no cause to dismantle your Party and your work can continue in working to mobilize our people to speak up for their best interests. The federal government’s trying to take you down. Don’t make their job easier by falling into their tiresome and predictable script.

Thing That Must Go #5: Acting Fringe

The White Nationalist movement has long fallen into a self-fulfilling prophecy. The media tells us that we are fringe angry outsiders and thus many groups and individuals turn themselves into actual Hollywood stereotypes and caricatures. The love of one’s people and culture is so rooted in human biology that even children as young as a few months old experience a closer affinity to those who look like them. Nationalism is literally in the blood, so there is no reason that is be considered on the fringe of our society, only an enemy media and our own missteps have led us to this place.

One of the major failures of our movement is believing in the myths that the media creates about our movement. A good example is how the media says that all National Socialists were frothing at the mouth wanting to hurt and kill Jews, homosexuals, non-Whites, and other groups of people. In reality, the mission of National Socialism was working to help men and women to become more moral, physically healthy and heroic in their defense and service for their nation, their God and their extended family.

When you confirm with your thoughts or actions that nationalism and socialism are about hatred, violence, and misanthropy, you’re clapping along with the enemy’s propaganda.

In the modern age if you describe yourself as a National Socialist, you should be focused entirely on mentoring young people, honoring your culture and folk traditions, settling down with a family to have children, and working politically for the preservation of your ethnicity. Nowhere in being a National Socialist should be race-based hatred of other groups, using racial slurs against non-Whites, or promoting lifestyles that degrade the physical and spiritual health of our nation.

Films like American History X, Romper Stomper, and countless Jerry Springer episodes and “documentaries” on the History Channel have put forward that nationalists are violent, hateful, and degenerate. If you want to be part of a “scene” then steer clear of constructive activist projects. If you want to be a nationalist, you must reject all of this and instead embrace a movement built on love, respect, sacrifice, and hard work. As G.K Chesteron said  “The true soldier fights not because he hates what is in front of him, but because he loves what is behind him.” We are not cartoons, we are a culture with a noble history that we must live up to.

The movement is at a crossroads, we can continue to remain politically impotent and ostracized from the community we are working to save or we can professionalize, rally behind a strong Party, and begin moving towards engaging our society in a positive and productive way. My hope is that the leaders and members of various groups can come together under the banner of the Traditionalist Worker Party, with each leader and group represented. Together we take lessons from Europe and here at home to craft a Party that will truly become the voice of the American White working and middle class. The future belongs to us, but only if we seize these opportunities and march forward as a unified front.

Ungrateful "Refugees" Return Home from Austria

via BNP News

“Austria isn’t what we expected,” complained economic migrant, Omer. “Dogs are treated better than refugees in Austria – they are given something good to eat, and something to wear.”

Omar is one of tens of thousands of economic migrants who have been encouraged to flood Europe by promises of free handouts at the expense of the European people.

“We’ve just been humiliated here,” he continued. “It was a mistake to come. People just look at us here as if we were terrorists.”

Omar is reportedly one of 257 ‘displaced persons’ from Iraq, Afghanistan and Iran who have decided that life in their home countries were not quite so bad after all, and packed their bags for the return trip.

Günter Ecker, head of Vienna’s human rights association predicts the trend will continue, explaining that most of these economic migrants been made to expect a whole raft of handouts and were subsequently dissatisfied with the free social care they were given.

“They didn’t realise that they might have to wait a year or more until their families could join them here,” continued Mr Ecker.

Pressure has mounted on Austrian chancellor, Werner Faymann, to take action on the ‘refugee crisis’ since the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) came within a whisker of toppling the Socialist Party in elections several weeks ago.

Mr Ferryman has announced a new 2.3 mile fence to be built along the Austrian-Slovenian border to deter more economic migrant hordes from travelling to the country.

Britain also faces the same threat to our safety, identity and economy as Austria and other European nations – though unfortunately, the treacherous politicians here put immigrants before the British people every time.

The BNP government would introduce a national security moratorium on Immigration – closing Britain’s borders to ALL immigration until all those already here can be processed.

There are hundreds of thousands of British people homeless, until we can find homes for the most vulnerable in our society, no more immigration into our country will be allowed.

The Amygdala, Race, and Autism: An Interesting Connection

via EGI Notes


An increased pattern of brain activity in the amygdalas of adults with autism that may be linked to the social deficits that typically are associated with the disorder. Previous research has shown that abnormal growth patterns in the amygdala are commonly found among young children diagnosed with autism. 

Replicating past research, greater amygdala activity was observed for Black faces than White faces. Furthermore, dark-skinned targets elicited more amygdala activity than light-skinned targets. However, these results were qualified by a significant interaction between race and skin tone, such that amygdala activity was observed at equivalent levels for light- and dark-skinned Black targets, but dark-skinned White targets elicited greater amygdala activity than light-skinned White targets. 

Both race and skin tone affect amygdala activity.  My original South Asian theory of White autism hypothesized that the ‘intermediate” phenotypes of South Asians – Caucasian “(“White”) but with dark skins, and with facial features typically different from that of European Whites – confuses the race recognition “software” of the amygdala in young White children, damaging the amygdala “hardware” as a result, leading to aberrant development and function of that brain structure, finally resulting in autism.
 
Is this the reason autism rates have increased in White countries with the rise of NEC immigration (1965 Immigration Act in America, and the North African/Middle Eastern flood in Europe)?  And, in general, overall increases in inter-continental population diversity seems associated with increased rates of autism. Maybe East Asian phenotypes are responsible as well? That would seem likely.

Trudeau the Second

via Alternative Right

A Liberal in action: notice how it voraciously
sucks up all the signalling power from this
small, frightened Sub-Saharan child
It took ten years for Canadians to have enough of Stephen Harper. His successor managed to do that in only a month. Justin Trudeau, son of the father of modern Canada, has been in power for less than two months and already he has angered the majority of Canadians. There will be no honeymoon for Vogue’s new star.

Unlike his father, who was a left wing thinker associated with Cité Libre, Justin is thought to be a shallow man, more interested in being photographed and gaining popularity than furthering an agenda. Most of his opponents, although they may deny it, thought that once ensconced in his luxurious mansion of Sussex Drive, he would not do much harm, and would be more inclined to live a socialite life rather than take actual decisions. If only they had been right!

Justin is indeed a shallow man, but, like his father, he wants Canada to actually change under his reign. He wants to leave a lasting mark. His father legalized homosexuality, opened the doors to mass immigration, made multiculturalism the state religion, implemented harsh gun regulations, resumed diplomatic relationships with China, etc, etc. And now, Junior wants his shot.

In the opening speech of the Parliament session earlier this month, he once again stated his objective to legalize marihuana. Unfortunately, right now, this is the least of our concerns. Up to now, nothing has been mentioned about his electoral promise of doubling immigration. Yes, doubling immigration! That would mean more than half a million newcomers every year. In a country populated by 35 million people, the current quotas of immigration are suicidal, doubling them would be like taking a dose of poison before jumping from a cliff. Luckily, since his election he has said nothing about it and Canadians must wish that it says that way.


Finding a new source of moral signalling, the Liberal zooms in on another small child, this one from war-torn Syria. Wisely the child's parents try to stay out of the way.
His first move once in Ottawa was to try to fulfill his promise to bring 25,000 Syrian migrants before the end of the year. Everyone, even his friends and councilors, told him that it was not difficult to achieve, but merely impossible. Still he clutched to this promise, despise all the warnings. He finally had to give up when there was only a month left before his arbitrary deadline. He would postpone his deadline, but on the other hand, he would double the numbers. So instead of 25,000 before the end of December 2015, the Canadians would have the great opportunity of welcoming 50,000 Syrians by the end of December 2016.

Still, the Paris attacks of last month made some Canadians realize that maybe those "poor and deserving" Syrians were not all that peace-loving and nice as Justin wanted them to believe. After all, civil wars, like the one in Syria, are fought by people, and if nearly everyone is moving out of the country, inevitably some of them would be fighters.

Understanding that, after the attacks, something had to be done – especially after the Canadian Border Services Agency had warned that they could not screen so many applications in such a limited time  – Justin decided to listen to his people and announced that only families with children would be accepted. But wait, wouldn’t that be homophobic?

He could not betray his father’s legacy, so he added that homosexual males would also be accepted. So then, Justin thought that everybody would be happy and feel safe and tolerant.

But wait! Who really believes that Jihadists can’t have children? If some people really believed that, the San Bernandino killers proved them wrong. And what about the homosexual males? Does anyone believe they are automatically harmless because they pretend to be gay? Salah Abdeslam who was involved in the Paris attacks used to hang out in gay bars, and anyway, if the border guards cannot check if somebody fought for the Islamic State, how can we know his sexual orientation? Aren’t gays perfectly like heteros?

Luckily, nobody bought that. Nobody except Quebec’s far left leader Françoise David. She seriously claimed that no terrorist would come to Canada because they would have to pose as refugees and terrorists do not do that… That is rich!

For the Liberal the best time to pose next to a woman
in a hijab is of course a few hours after a terrorist attack. Justin has a special app on his smart phone to help him do this.
Demographically and culturally, those 50,000 Syrians will join the 265,000 immigrants who come on our shores every year and who, for the most part, do not integrate, even less assimilate, and simply join the Canadian mosaic without ever changing their ways. If we thought that the Great Replacement was going fast, it has now sped up and the Camp of the Saints does not seem so unrealistic after all. Of course, economically, it is far from a great investment; Justin has already pledged 1.2 billion dollars, but most of the costs, like education, health care, welfare, etc, will have to be provided by different administrations: the provinces and the cities. Quebec is doing more than its share, stating that it will subsidize the salaries of employers who decide to hire those Syrians rather than homegrown Quebecers, who simply need to pay up and remain silent.

Some people have actually followed Justin in his altruistic enthusiasm. The Council for Arts has pledged to give $200,000 for free exhibits and concerts for the migrants, the town of Wakefield will provide Arabic courses in order to be more welcoming and the author Danielle Létourneau has promised to knit 25,000 woolly hats to keep the newcomers warm… Remember the reference to the Camp of the Saints?

Unfortunately for Justin, the majority is not in the same mood as him. Good feelings may have an impact on some segments of the population, but the majority of Canadians, who see their taxes increase, their services diminish, and their country change in a dramatic and permanent way do not see the tide of migrants coming on our shores as the greatest opportunity our country has ever had. 

The bad news is; this was the first month… four more years to go!

Traitors Always Claim Objectivity

via BUGS

One of the most surprising things in Robert Ardrey’s revolutionary 1960’s book, African Genesis, was his description of animal heroism and self-sacrifice for the group.

Before that time animals had been assumed to be selfish. A mother might fight for her calf, but even in those instances of Mother Love, they backed off when the threat became mortal.

Only humans were heroes.


Ardrey gave repeated instances where social animals, even in the lower ranks who were not allowed to breed and leave their own individual genes, quite purposely gave their lives for the survival of their group!

Lone animals survive only when their own genes survive, but social animals evolve by groups.

Long before Ardrey was born, everybody knew what a Human Rat was. It has always been routine for Human Rats on the losing side to suddenly begin yelling about how they had been wrong all the time.

Russian Tsarists became total converts to Bolshevism in 1919.

Professional criminals develop a sudden Thirst for Justice when the cops start to win.

When over the years White Genocide became fashionable, all the little people suddenly developed “A Loyalty to All Mankind.”

Après Trump?

via Radix

The hysterical angst of the Republican Establishment concerning the rise of Trump is glorious to observe. Of course, the interesting thing is their complete lack of self-awareness, their lack of understanding that they themselves are responsible for the predicament they find themselves in.

One reason is that the GOP has been complicit in the demographic changes that have put them “in between a rock and a hard place,” politically speaking. On the one hand, Republicans look at America’s growing colored population and see the need to appeal to that demographic. On the other hand, the GOP base of support is conservative White Americans, particularly right-of-center White men. To pander to minorities runs the risk of alienating the base; to secure the base runs the risk of alienating the coloreds. Up to this point, the GOP strategy has been to pander to the colored minorities, while throwing “bones” to the base in the form of phony “implicit Whiteness” and “dog whistling” rhetoric with no real-life political consequences. Heretofore, the GOP has mastered feinting right during the primaries, running centrist in the general election, and, in the rare cases of GOP Presidential victories (since Ronnie Raygun, we have had only the two failed Bush men being elected), governing from the left. Base anger has been silenced by “they have nowhere else to go” “lesser of two evils” electoral considerations.

But now, the rise of Trump is an ill wind blowing in the direction of the GOP elites: the base is starting to awaken and will not be forever willing to “vote for lesser of two evils” and support anti-White leftist Republican candidates.

But there is something else. The problem with Trump is seemingly not only his ideology of right-wing populism (real or fake), it is also because the Republican Establishment – with some justification – see Trump as an ill-informed, vulgar, obnoxious, childish buffoon, with no self-control and an embarrassing lack of gravitas. Very well, but in response to those concerns I have two words: Pat Buchanan.

Like Trump, Buchanan ran for President as a right-wing populist Republican. In fact, there is considerable overlap in overt ideology between the two men’s campaigns. While lacking Trumps’ “alpha jerk-boy” charisma, Buchanan has certain advantages that you would think would endear him to the GOP elites: Buchanan is a well-informed, articulate, religious man, with strong Establishment connections, and prior political experience in previous Republican administrations. Buchanan has always been an “inside-the-Beltway” man, and is not an obnoxious buffoon.

And how did the GOP elites deal with the more polished and political Buchanan? With the same disdain and hysteria that they now reserve for “Der Trumpening.” The Elite made it clear that they would never accept Buchanan as the nominee, they panicked over his early successes, they sabotaged his campaign (as I recall, they even prevented him from being on the ballot in some states), etc. So, the case of Buchanan proves that the problem with Trump is not so much his repellent personal aspects, but his core of right-wing populism. Anything that appeals to Whites is anathema to the GOP, which is of course self-destructive given the nature of the GOP base (it is not for nothing that Sam Francis labeled the GOP “the Stupid Party”).

The point is that the GOP lost anyway with Bush and Dole in 1992 and 1996. While it is understandable that the incumbent would be favored in 1992, there was no excuse for favoring the “living mummy” “civil rights Republican” Dole over Buchanan in 1996. Favoring Buchanan would have solidified the GOP base and could have put the party in the direction of a right-wing populist track that could have genuinely benefited White Americans.

But, no. The elites sabotaged Buchanan and they suppressed right-wing populism for several electoral cycles. Now it has erupted in a more “virulent” form with Donald Trump. Instead of learning their lesson and understanding that the base cannot be taken for granted, instead of understanding that they need candidates that appeal to the base, the GOP elites are hell-bent on sabotaging Trump and suppressing right-wing populism for another couple of electoral cycles.

They may succeed but they are playing with fire. Who will come after Trump? Who will be the next right-wing populist? As even worthless and weak Whites become more aggressive out of sheer desperation, who will they turn to next? Someone more extreme and firebrand-populist compared to Trump to the same degree Trump is compared to Buchanan?

It won’t be “the fire next time,” but it may well be “the Nazi next time.” The GOP elites had better hope that their country clubs are well fortified, indeed.

Retrotopia: A Gift to Be Simple

via The Archdruid Report

Author's Note: This is the eleventh installment of an exploration of some of the possible futures discussed on this blog, using the toolkit of narrative fiction. Our narrator ventures out of Toledo into a tier one rural county and sees one of the alternative cultures taking shape in the Lakeland Republic. 
**********
We changed trains in Defiance. The station wasn’t much more than a raised platform running along each side of the tracks, with a shelter of cast iron and glass overhead to keep off any rain that might happen along. The day was shaping up clear and cool; the town looked like old county seats I’d seen in parts of upstate New York that hadn’t been flattened during the endgame of the Second Civil War, a patchwork of clapboard and brick with the county courthouse rising above the nearby roofs. I could see only two obvious differences—first, that the only vehicles on the streets were pulled by horses, and second, that all the houses looked lived in and all the businesses I could see seemed to be open.
The train west to Hicksville came after we’d waited about fifteen minutes. Colonel Pappas and I weren’t the only people waiting for it, either. Something close to a hundred people got off the train from Toledo with us, some in olive drab Lakeland Army uniforms, some in civilian clothing, all of them with luggage and most with long flat cases that I guessed held guns. Once Pappas rolled up the ramp onto one of the cars and I followed him, I found that the train was already more than half full, and it was the same mix, some soldiers, some civilians, plenty of firepower.
I sat down next to Pappas, who gestured expansively at the train. “Not what you’d usually see going to Hicksville,” he said. “Every other time of the year this is a twice a day milk run that hits every farm town between Bowling Green and Warsaw. This weekend it’s six or eight runs this size every day.”
The train jolted into motion, and I watched Defiance slide past. After maybe a mile, we were rolling through farmland dotted with houses and barns. Some of the houses had wind turbines rising up above them and solar water heaters on the roofs, while others didn’t; tall antennas I guessed were meant for radio rose above most of them, but not all. The dirt roads looked well tended and the bridges were in good repair. I shook my head, trying to make sense of it.
“Checking out tier one?” Pappas asked me.
I glanced at him. “Pretty much. I wasn’t expecting to see the wind and solar gear.”
“You’re thinking it’s tier one, how come they have tech that wasn’t around in 1830, right?” When I nodded, he laughed. “Outsiders always get hung up on that. Tier level just says what infrastructure gets paid for by county taxes. You can get whatever tech you want if it’s your own money.”
“What about a veepad?”
“Sure, as long as you don’t expect somebody else to pay for a metanet to make it work.”
I nodded again, conceding the point. “I get the sense that a lot of people here wouldn’t buy modern technology even if they could.”
“True enough. Some of that’s religious—we’ve got a lot of Amish and Mennonites here, and there’re also some newer sects along the same lines, Keelyites, New Shakers, that sort of thing. Some of it’s political—most of the people in the full-on Resto parties are just as much into low-tech in their own lives as they are in their politics. They learned that lesson from the environmentalists before the war—you know about those?”
It was my turn to laugh. “Yeah. I had some of them in my family when I was a kid. ‘I want to save the Earth, but not enough to stop driving my SUV.’”
“Bingo—and you know how much good that did. The Restos aren’t into that sort of hypocrisy, so a lot of them end up in low-tier counties and stick to simple tech.”
“What do you think of that?”
“Me? I’m a city kid. I like nightlife, public transit—” He slapped one of the tires of his wheelchair.  “—smooth sidewalks. Tier one’s fun to visit but I’d rather live tier four or five.”
The train rattled through farmland for an hour or so, stopping once at a little place named Sherwood, before we reached Hicksville. The station there was even more rudimentary than the one at Defiance, just a raised platform and a long single-story building with a peaked roof alongside the track, but Pappas had no trouble maneuvering his wheelchair on the platform once we got off the train. “We’ll wait here,” he told me. “Once the crowd clears someone’ll meet us.”
He was right, of course. After a couple of minutes, as the train rolled westwards out of the station and the crowd started to thin, a young man in army uniform with corporal’s stripes on his sleeves wove his way toward us and saluted Pappas. “Colonel, sir,” he said, “good to see you.” To me:  “You’re Mr. Carr, right? Pleased to meet you. The jeep’s this way.”
He wasn’t kidding. Sitting on the street next to the station, incongruous amid a press of horsedrawn carts and wagons, was what looked like a jeep straight out of a World War Two history vid. Pappas saw the expression on my face, and laughed. “The army’s got a lot of those,” he told me. “Good, cheap, sturdy, and it handles unpaved roads just fine.”
“What fuel does it use?” I asked.
“Oh, it’s diesel. Everything we use runs on vegetable oil if it doesn’t eat corned beef or hay.”
Pappas hauled himself into the jeep’s front passenger seat while I tried to parse that. The corporal helped him get his wheelchair folded and stowed, then waved me to a seat in back and went to the driver’s seat. I got in next to the wheelchair, found a place for my suitcase, and got a firm grip on the grab bar as the engine roared to life.
Six blocks later we were on the edge of Hicksville. “Tomorrow’s action is twelve miles north of town,” Pappas told me. “We’ll be staying right near there—all the farmhouses around here rent out rooms to visitors. Melanie told me you want to see how people live in tier one; you’ll get an eyeful.”
It took us half an hour to get to the farm Pappas had in mind, driving on what pretty clearly wasn’t the main road—now and then I could see dust rising off to the east, and a couple of times spotted what had to be a line of wagons and carts carrying people and luggage toward whatever was going to happen the next day. I speculated about why I wasn’t part of that line—Pappas’ rank, maybe? Or a courtesy toward a guest from outside who wasn’t used to horsedrawn travel? That latter irked me a bit, even though I was grateful for the quick trip.
Finally the jeep swerved off the road, rattled along a rough driveway maybe a half mile long, and clattered to a stop in front of a sprawling clapboard-sided building three stories tall. Two others and a huge barn stood nearby, and fields, pastures, and gardens spread out in all directions around them.
“Welcome to Harmony Gathering,” Pappas said, turning half around in his seat. “I mentioned the New Shakers earlier, remember? You’re about to meet some of ‘em.”
By the time he finished speaking the front door of the building swung open and a big gray-bearded man in overalls and a plain blue short-sleeved shirt came out. “Good day, Tom,” he called out. “And—Mr. Carr, I believe.”
I got out of the jeep. “Peter Carr,” I said, shaking his hand.
“I’m Brother Orren. Be welcome to our Gathering.” He turned to the corporal. “Joe, do you need help with any of that?”
“Nah, I’ve got it.” The corporal came around, got the wheelchair unfolded, and Pappas slid into it. I got my suitcase; the gray-bearded man turned back to the door and nodded once, and a boy of ten or so dressed the same way he was came out at a trot, took the suitcase from me, gave me a big smile, and vanished back into the building with it.
“Things hopping yet, Orren?” Pappas asked him.
“Oh, very much so. You have plenty of company.” He motioned toward the door. “Shall we?”
Inside the walls were bare and white, the furniture plain and sturdy, the air thick with the smell of baking bread. “Tom tells me that you’re from the Atlantic Republic,” the bearded man said to me. “I don’t believe our church has put down roots there yet. If you have questions—why, ask me, or anyone.”
“Thanks,” I said. “I’ll take you up on that once I figure out what to ask.”
He beamed. “I’ll welcome that. Of course you’ll want to get the dust off first, and lunch will be ready shortly.” He turned and called out:  “Sister Susannah? Could you show our guests to their rooms?”
An old woman with improbably green eyes, dressed in a plain blue dress, came into the room from a corridor I hadn’t noticed. “Of course. Come with me, please.”
“Don’t worry about me, Sue,” Pappas said. “I know the way.”
That got a quiet laugh and a nod. Pappas rolled away down a different corridor, and the old woman led me up a nearby stair and down a long hall lined with doors. “This is yours,” she said, opening one. “Give me just a moment.”  She smiled, went on further down the hall.
The room was a simple cubicle with a bed on one side, a dresser and desk on the other, and a window on the far end. The bare white walls and the plain sturdy furniture were scrupulously clean, and the bed had a thick colorful quilt on it. My suitcase had been set down neatly beside the dresser.
A moment later the old woman was back with two pitchers and a bowl. “Here you are,” she said, setting them on the desk. “If you need anything else, please ring the bell and someone will be up to help you right away.” She smiled again and left, closing the door behind her.
The pitchers turned out to contain hot and cold water. Towels and a washcloth hung on a rack near the door, and a little shelf next to it had a bar of soap on it that didn’t look as though it had ever seen the inside of a factory. Two bags hanging from the back of the door had hand-embroidered labels on them, towels and linen and guest clothing; over to one side was an oddly shaped chair that turned out on inspection to be some sort of portable toilet, with a big porcelain pot underneath that sealed with a tightly fitting lid when it wasn’t in use. Tier one, I thought, and decided to make the best of it.
The funny thing was that the primitive accommodations weren’t actually that much more awkward or difficult to use than the facilities you’d find in a good hotel in Philadelphia. I wasn’t sure what I would be in for if I decided to take a bath, but I managed to get cleaned up and presentable in short order, and went out into the hall feeling distinctly ready for the lunch the old man had mentioned. I wondered for a moment if I should ring the bell, but that didn’t turn out to be necessary; as soon as I stepped out into the hall, the same boy who’d taken my suitcase up to the room came down the hall and  gave me directions. As I left, he was hauling away the water pitchers.
Lunch—sandwiches on homebaked whole-grain bread and big bowls of hearty chicken soup—was served in a big plain room in back, where big wooden tables and benches  ran in long rows, and the benches were full of men in Lakeland Republic uniforms; the only people who wore New Shaker blue were a couple of young men who brought out the food.  “The people who live here eat in their own dining hall,” Pappas told me when I asked him about that. “You’re welcome to join them, if you don’t mind eating in perfect silence while somebody reads out loud from the Bible.”
“I’ll pass,” I said.
He laughed. “Me too.  Sundays at Holy Trinity is enough religion for me, but I guess it works for them. They start a new Gathering somewhere every few years, they’re growing that fast.”
I racked my brains for the little I knew about the original Shakers. “Do they swear off sex?”
“No, that was the old Shakers. The New Shakers marry, or some of them do—Orren and Sue are a couple, for example. The brothers and sisters don’t own anything, not even a toothbrush, and live together like the old Shakers did.”
“And the other sect you mentioned?”
“The Keelyites? They’re like the Amish, they own their own homes and farms, but they’ve got their own beliefs and their prophet Eleanor Keely put a third testament into their Bibles. They’ll tell you that when God said we have to live by the sweat of our brows, He meant that anything that’s not powered by human muscles is sinful.”
“We’ve got Third Order Amish back home who say that,” I told him.
Pappas considered that. “I don’t think we have them here yet,” he said. “Now that the border’s opened, who knows? I bet they talk theology with the Keelyites. God knows what they’ll come up with.”
About the time I’d polished off lunch, Brother Orren came in and asked if I’d be interested in a tour of the Gathering—I gathered he’d been briefed by somebody—and I spent the afternoon trotting around the place with a soft-spoken guy in his early twenties named Micah, who had brown skin and a mane of frizzy red-brown hair. “My parents got killed in an air raid during the war of ‘49,” he told me as we walked toward the barn, “and the Gathering took me in. Any child who comes to us finds a home.”
“Did you ever consider leaving?” I asked.
“I left when I was nineteen,” he told me. “Spent three years out in the world, two of them in the army. It was a learning experience. But I came back once I realized that this was where I belong.”
“Do you miss anything from outside the Gathering?”
“Oh, now and again. Still, there’s a song we inherited from the old Shakers; the first line is ‘Tis a gift to be simple’—and that’s true, at least for me. It’s a gift, and as we say, a grace, and I’m happier here than I ever was out there in the world.”
I thought about that as we walked through the barn, the greenhouses, and the rest of the Gathering. In its own way, it was impressive—a community of around two hundred people that met all its own needs from its own fields and workshops, and produced enough of a surplus to make it an asset to the local economy—but something about it troubled me, and I sat up late that night, by the glow of the one candle each room was allotted, trying to figure out what it was.